Nel giorno in cui a Tunisi si apre e si chiude la conferenza internazionale sulla Siria (“Amici della Siria”, pensa i nemici…) il New York Times pubblica un resoconto delle divisioni interne alle varie anime dell’opposizione siriana.
Abbiamo sempre detto e scritto che dopo quasi mezzo secolo di dittatura e di limitazione dei diritti fondamentali, è difficile immaginarci uno scenario diverso. Né si può chiedere agli oppositori e dissidenti, all’estero e in patria, di unirsi e andare d’accordo con la bacchetta magica.
Eppure, il dramma vissuto dai siriani in molte regioni del Paese dovrebbe imporre ai vari leader delle varie correnti dell’opposizione di trovare presto dei modi diversi da quelli finora individuati per affrontare la questione politica dall’esterno.
A tal proposito, Neil McFarquhar, responsabile del NYT al Cairo e con una lunga esperienza in Medio Oriente, riporta il parere di Rima Fleihan, attivista prima nel Consiglio nazionale siriano (Cns) di Burhan Ghalioun, da poco uscita dalla formazione.
Nearly a year after the uprising began, the opposition remains a fractious collection of political groups, longtime exiles, grass-roots organizers and armed militants, all deeply divided along ideological, ethnic or sectarian lines, and too disjointed to agree on even the rudiments of a strategy to topple President Bashar al-Assad’s government.
The need to build a united opposition will be the focus of intense discussions at what has been billed as the inaugural meeting of the Friends of Syria. Fostering some semblance of a unified protest movement, possibly under the umbrella of an exile alliance called the Syrian National Council, will be a theme hovering in the background.
The council’s internal divisions have kept Western and Arab governments from recognizing it as a kind of government in exile, and the Tunis summit meeting will probably not change that. Russia, Syria’s main international patron, is avoiding the meeting entirely.
The divisions and shortcomings within the council were fully on display last week when its 10-member executive committee met at the Four Seasons Hotel in Doha, Qatar — its soaring lobby bedecked with roses and other red flowers left over from Valentine’s Day.
The council has been slow on critical issues like recognizing the transformation of the Syrian uprising from a nonviolent movement to an armed insurrection, according to members, diplomats and other analysts.
Aside from representing only about 70 percent of a range of groups opposing Mr. Assad, the council has yet to seriously address melding itself with the increasingly independent internal alliances in Homs and other cities across Syria trapped in an uneven battle for survival, they said, warning that the council runs the risk of being supplanted.
“They were in a constant, ongoing struggle, which delayed anything productive and any real work that should be done for the revolution,” said Rima Fleihan, an activist who crawled through barbed wire fences to Jordan from Syria last September to escape arrest. She was representing Syria’s Local Coordination Committees, an alliance of grass-roots activists, on the council until she quit in frustration this month.
“They fight more than they work,” Ms. Fleihan said. “People are asking why they have failed to achieve any international recognition, why no aid is reaching the people, why are we still being shelled?”
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